For over two centuries, Nepal’s political landscape was defined by authoritarian regimes that merged religious dogma with political control. The Shah Kings and Rana Oligarchs operated under the assumption that they were above the law, often claiming a divine mandate to rule. By maintaining a low standard of education among a deeply religious population, these rulers ensured a citizenry that was easily managed. This historical context created a sociological vacuum where many viewed their leaders not as public servants, but as “lords and saviors.”
Even in the twenty-first century, these structural shadows remain. Less than 10% of the Nepali population has obtained a tertiary education, and the society remains nearly 100% religious. Furthermore, the social fabric is highly hierarchical, stratified by age, gender, caste, and profession. This stratification has directly shaped Nepal’s modern institutions, most notably through the enduring influence of the patriarchal caste system. Consequently, much of the population continues to search for “heroes” to solve entrenched political and social ills, quickly deifying anyone who appears to be a potential savior.
The Rise of “Alternative” Politics
One such figure is Rabi Lamichhane, a television journalist turned politician who has become a beacon of hope for a segment of society craving change. He is joined by Balen Shah, the former Mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, who has aligned with Lamichhane’s Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP).
However, an analytical look at the party’s branding and composition suggests a strategic, rather than revolutionary, approach. When Lamichhane founded the party in 2022 following the success of independent local candidates, he titled it the “National Independent Party.” This choice of nomenclature was deviously calculated; it capitalized on the “independent” trend while establishing a traditional party structure. This move led to a significant reassessment of the party’s credibility as a true alternative. Early indicators of the party’s direction were further complicated by a lack of gender diversity in leadership and leanings toward Hindu nationalism.
Demographics and Representation
To determine if the RSP truly differs from the established “Big Three” parties, one of the most important things to analyze is the composition of its leadership. Data suggests the party remains dominated by Khas-Arya and Newar men, mirroring the very structures it seeks to displace.
For comparison, consider the breakdown of the Nepali Congress team led by Gagan Thapa:
Central Committee Members of Gagan Thapa’s Nepali Congress by Social Group
| Category | Total Members | Percentage (%) |
| Khas Arya | 86 | 64.2% |
| Indigenous (Janajati) | 22 | 16.4% |
| Newar | 5 | 3.7% |
| Madhesi | 9 | 6.7% |
| Dalit | 6 | 4.5% |
| Tharu | 3 | 2.2% |
| Muslim | 2 | 1.5% |
| Minority/Other | 1 | 0.8% |
| Total | 134 | 100% |
The RSP’s current leadership metrics are, in many ways, less inclusive than those of the Nepali Congress. For example, their Central Committee is made up of 70% Khas-Aryas to Nepali Congress’ 64%. Nepali Congress, at 16%, has multiple times the Adibasi/Janajati proportion than RSP. This even after Balen Shah, the former Mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, Bibeksheel Sajha Party, and the Generation Z joined the party.
While the 2023 committee was 41% female, the 2026 committee saw the proportion of women drop dramatically, with males outnumbering females more than two-to-one.
Within the female demographic of the RSP, Khas-Arya dominance has increased—rising from 44% to 65%—while Newar female representation dropped from 25% to 8%. Notably, Newar women still remain disproportionately represented compared to their 5% share of the general population, while other groups remain marginalized.
Candidate Selection and the Federalism Debate
The trend of Khas-Arya dominance extends to the party’s candidates for the House of Representatives.
Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Candidates for the 165 First-Past-The-Post member of the House of Representatives by Gender and Social Group
| Social/Ethnic Cluster | Male | Female | Total | % of Tickets |
| Khas Arya | 78 | 8 | 86 | 52.4% |
| Adibasi Janajati | 24 | 3 | 27 | 16.5% |
| Newar | 10 | 2 | 12 | 7.3% |
| Madhesi | 25 | 2 | 27 | 16.5% |
| Tharu | 6 | 1 | 7 | 4.3% |
| Muslim | 2 | 0 | 2 | 1.2% |
| Dalit | 3 | 0 | 3 | 1.8% |
| Total | 148 | 16 | 164 | 100% |
Rastriya Swatantra Party Candidates for the 165 FPTP Members of House of Representatives in 2022 and 2026.
| Year | Khas Arya | Janajati | Newar | Madhesi | Tharu | Muslim | Dalit |
| 2022 | 63.0% | 11.5% | 5.5% | 17.0% | 0.0% | 2.0% | 2.0% |
| 2026 | 52.4% | 16.5% | 7.3% | 16.5% | 4.3% | 1.2% | 1.8% |
While the proportion of Khas-Arya candidates dropped by approximately 10% compared to 2022, the party remains fundamentally aligned with the demographic makeup of the parties it opposes. In fact, the CPN (Maoist Center) maintains a more inclusive candidate list than the RSP.
The RSP’s policy platform further suggests a return to centralized authority. Lamichhane has expressed a desire to rewrite the constitution and eliminate federalism. From an analytical perspective, this is a significant stance: centralization of power in Kathmandu, the capital city, would essentially amount to a continuation of the 200-year history of Khas-Arya monarchy and Rana oligarchy rule. Their governance was characterized by “rule by decree,” with positions of power over distant populations filled by those close to the Kathmandu center. Because federalism decentralizes power away from the Kathmandu-centric Khas-Arya elite, the opposition to it serves the interests of the traditionally privileged. RSP not fielding any candidates in the Provincial Assembly elections is likely not an oversight.
Conclusion
As long as the population remains selectively or minimally educated, structurally privileged groups will continue to exploit the tendency to chase and deify charismatic leaders. By maintaining these educational barriers, the elite ensure a cycle of control. Until the “politics of fear” and the manipulation of religious sentiment are replaced by a truly representative and educated political discourse, the “alternative” parties of Nepal will likely remain iterations of the old guard, rather than a departure from it.
What do you think?
PS. I got help from Google’s AI Gemini composing this blog post.
